Chronicles of England, Scotland, and Ireland
Introduction
Para1Along with the anonymous play The Famous Victories of Henry
the Fifth, Raphael Holinshed’s Chronicles
provided Shakespeare his chief source for Henry V. The
playwright followed the Chronicles nearly verbatim in parts,
as with Canterbury’s
Salic lawspeech, which Shakespeare changed little more than versifying it into pentameter lines, even preserving the source’s error in arithmetic and its misidentification of Louis IX as Louis X. While Raphael Holinshed was the chief author, or arranger, of the 1577 edition of the Chronicles, and while for convenience’s sake he is referred to as the author of the three-volume 1587 edition excerpted here, the work was the product of about a dozen authors and compiled after Holinshed’s death from a wide range of sources, mostly meticulously cited in marginal notes. As a result of this multivocality, the Chronicles present a range of sometimes-conflicting interpretations of the events they describe—most evident here in the presentation of the build to war and the discussion of Henry’s order to kill the prisoners—and this multivalence of voice may be one reason for the famously ambiguous nature of Shakespeare’s play (Patterson 3–31); see the discussion of Holinshed’s treatment of the killing of the French prisoners at Henry V (A4 Sc6 Sp5).
Para2The following modernized selections are based on facsimiles of the
Huntington copy of the 1587 edition (Holinshed 3:543–585) provided by Early English
Books Online. For the sake of easy comparison with Shakespeare’s play, numbers of
analogous lines from the play appear in notes; unless otherwise specified, Through
Line Numbers refer to Henry V.
Henry’s Accession and Reformation (543)
Para3Henry, prince of Wales,☛ son and
heir to King Henry the Fourth, born in Wales at Monmouth on the river of Wye,
after his father was departed, took upon him the regiment of this realm of
England, the twentieth of March; the morrow after proclaimed king by the name of
Henry the Fifth, in the year of the world 5375; after the birth of our saviour by
our account 1413; the third of the emperor Sigismund; the three-and-thirtieth of
Charles the sixth French king […]
Para4Such great hope and good expectation was had of this man’s fortunate
success to follow, that within three days after his father’s decease, divers1 noble men and honourable personages did to him
homage,☛ and sware to him due obedience, which had not been seen
done to any of his predecessors kings of this realm till they had been possessed
of the crown. He was crowned the ninth of April, being Passion Sunday,2 which was a sore,3 ruggy,4 and tempestuous day, with wind, snow and sleet, that men
greatly marvelled thereat, making divers interpretations what the same might
signify.☛ But this king even at first appointing with himself
to show that in his person princely honours should change public manners, he
determined to put on him the shape of a new man.5
For whereas aforetime he had made himself a companion unto misruly mates of
dissolute order and life, he now banished them all from his presence☛—but not unrewarded
or else unpreferred—inhibiting them upon a great pain not once to approach, lodge,
or sojourn within ten miles of his court or presence6
And in their places he chose men of gravity, wit, and high policy, by whose wise
counsel he might at all times rule to his honour and dignity, calling to mind how
once to high offence of the king his father he had with his fist stricken the
chief justice for sending one of his minions (upon desert7) to prison, when the justice stoutly commanded himself also
straight to ward, and he (then prince) obeyed (F1 2H4 sig. g1v).
The king after expelled him out of his privy council, banished him the court, and
made the Duke of Clarence, his younger brother, president of council in his stead
[…]
Para5But now that the king was once placed in the royal seat of the realm, he
virtuously considering in his mind that all goodness cometh of God, determined to
begin with something acceptable to his divine majesty, and therefore commanded the
clergy sincerely and truly to preach the word of God, and to live accordingly,
that they might be the lanterns of light to the temporalty,8 as their profession required. The laymen he willed to serve
God, and obey their prince, prohibiting them above all things breach of matrimony,
custom in swearing, and namely wilful perjury. Beside this, he elected the
best-learned men in the laws of the realm to the offices of justice, and men of
good living he preferred to high degrees and authority.☛ Immediately after Easter9 he called a parliament, in which divers good statutes and
wholesome ordinances for the preservation and advancement of the commonwealth were
devised and established. On Trinity Sunday10 were the solemn
exequies11 done at Canterbury for his
father, the king himself being present thereat.☛
The reinterment of Richard II and the elevation of Saint George’s day (543–544)
Para6About the same time, at the special instance of the king, in a
convocation of the clergy holden at Paul’s in London, it was ordained that Saint
George his day should be celebrate and kept as a double☛ feast.12 The
archbishop of Canterbury meant to have honoured Saint Dunstan’s day with like
reverence, but it took not effect. When the king had settled things much to his
purpose, he caused the body of King Richard to be removed, with all funeral
dignity convenient for his estate, from Langley to Westminster, where he was
honourably interred with Queen Anne, his first wife, in a solemn tomb erected and
set up at the charges of this king.13 Polychronicon☛
saith, that after the body of the dead king was taken up out of the earth, this
new king, happily tendering the magnificence of a prince and abhorring obscure
burial, caused the same to be conveyed to Westminster in a royal seat, or chair of
estate, covered all over with black velvet and adorned with banners of divers arms
round about. All the horses likewise, saith this author, were apparelled with
black, and bare14 sundry suits of arms. Many
other solemnities were had at his interment, according to the quality of the age
wherein he lived and died.
The Oldcastle Rebellion (544)
Para7Also in this first year of this king’s reign, Sir John Oldcastle,15 which by his
wife was called Lord Cobham, a valiant captain and a hardy gentleman, was accused
to the Archbishop of Canterbury of certain points of heresy, who, knowing him to
be highly in the king’s favour, declared to his highness the whole accusation. The
king, first having compassion of the noble man, required the prelates that if he
were a strayed sheep, rather by gentleness than by rigour to reduce him to the
fold. And after this he16 himself sent
for him and right earnestly exhorted him and lovingly admonished him to reconcile
himself to God and to his laws. The Lord Cobham not only thanked him for his most
favourable clemency, but also declared, first to him by mouth and afterwards by
writing, the foundation of his faith and the ground of his belief, affirming his
grace to be his supreme head and competent judge, and none other person, offering
an hundred knights and esquires to come to his purgation, or else to fight in open
lists in defence of his just cause.
Para8The king, understanding and persuaded by his council that by order of the
laws of his realm, such accusations touching matters of faith ought to be tried by
his spiritual prelates, sent him to the Tower of London, there to abide the
determination of the clergy, according to the statutes in that case provided,
after which time a solemn session was appointed in the cathedral church of Saint
Paul, upon the three-and-twentieth day of September, and another the
five-and-twentieth day of the same month, in the hall of the Blackfriars at
London, in which places the said lord was examined, apposed,17 and fully heard, and in conclusion by the Archbishop of
Canterbury denounced an heretic and remitted again to the Tower of London, from
which place, either by help of friends, or favour of keepers, he privily
escaped☛ and came into Wales, where he remained for a season.
Para9After this, the king☛18,
keeping his Christmas at his manor of Eltham, was advertised that Sir Roger Acton,
knight, a man of great wit and possessions, John Browne,☛ esquire, John Beverly, priest, and a great number of other were
assembled in armour☛ against the king, his brethren, the clergy and realm. These news
came to the king on the twelfth day in Christmas, whereupon understanding that
they☛ were in a place called Fickett
Field beside London, on the back side of Saint Giles, he straight got him to his
palace at Westminster in as secret wise as he might, and there calling to him
certain bands of armed men, he repaired into Saint Giles fields,☛ near to the said place (where he
understood they should fully meet about midnight) and so handled the matter that
he took some and slew some, even as stood with his pleasure. The captains of them
aforementioned, being apprehended, were brought to the kings presence and to him
declared the causes of their commotion☛
and rising, accusing a great number of their complices.
Para10The king used one policy which much served to the discomfiting of the
adversaries (as Thomas Walsingham saith), which was this: he gave
order that all the gates of London should be straitly kept and guarded, so as none
should come in or out but such as were known to go to the king. Hereby came it to
pass that the chiefest succour appointed to come to the captains of the rebels was
by that means cut off, where otherwise surely, had it not been thus prevented and
stayed, there had issued forth of London to have joined with them to the number
(as it was thought) of fifty thousand persons,☛ one and other, servants, prentices, and citizens, confederate
with them that were thus assembled in Fickett Field. Divers also that came from
sundry parts of the realm hasting towards the place to be there at their appointed
time chanced to light among the king’s men, who being taken and demanded whither
they went with such speed, answered they came to meet with their captain the Lord
Cobham.
Para11But whether he came thither at all, or made shift for himself to get
away, it doth not appear; for he could not be heard of at that time (as
Thomas Walsingham confesseth) although the king by proclamation
promised a thousand marks to him that could bring him forth, with great liberties
to the cities or towns that would discover where he was. By this it may appear how
greatly he was beloved, that there could not one be found that for so great a
reward would bring him to light. Among other that were taken was one William
Murley,☛ who dwelt in Dunstable, a
man of great wealth and by his occupation a brewer, an earnest maintainer of the
lord Cobham’s opinions and, as the bruit19 ran,
in hope to be highly advanced by him if their purposed20 device had taken place, apparent by this: that he had two
horses trapped with gilt harness led after him, and in his bosom a pair of gilt
spurs, as it was deemed, prepared for himself to wear, looking to be made knight
by the Lord Cobham’s hands at that present time. But when he saw how their purpose
quailed, he withdrew into the city with great fear to hide himself; howbeit21 he was perceived, taken, and finally
executed among others.
Para12To conclude, so many persons hereupon22 were apprehended that all the prisons in and about London
were full. The chief of them were condemned by☛ the clergy of
heresy and attainted of high treason in the Guildhall of London, and adjudged for
that offence to be drawn23 and hanged, and for heresy to be consumed with fire, gallows
and all, which judgement was executed the same month on the said Sir Roger Acton
and eight-and-twenty others. Some say that the occasion of their death was only
for the conveying of the Lord Cobham out of prison. Others write that it was both
for treason and heresy, and so it appeareth by the record. Certain affirm that it
was for feigned causes surmised by the spiritualty, more upon displeasure than
truth, and that they were assembled to hear their preacher (the foresaid Beverly)
in that place there, out of the way from resort of people, sith24 they might not come together openly about any
such matter without danger to be apprehended—as the manner is, and hath been ever
of the persecuted flock,25
when they are prohibited publicly the exercise of their religion. But howsoever
the matter went with these men, apprehended they were, and divers of them
executed, as before ye have heard, whether for rebellion or heresy, or for both
(as the form of the indictment importeth) I need not to spend many words, sith
others have so largely treated thereof; and therefore I refer those that wish to
be more fully satisfied herein unto their reports.
The Tennis-ball Embassy (545)
Para13Whilst in the Lent season the king lay at Killingworth,☛ there came to him from Charles,☛ Dauphin of France certain
ambassadors that brought with them a barrel of Paris balls,26 which from their master they presented to him for a
token that was taken in very ill part, as sent in scorn to signify that it was
more meet27 for the king to pass the time
with such childish exercise than to attempt any worthy exploit.28
Wherefore the king wrote to him, that ere ought long, he would toss him some
London balls that perchance should shake the walls of the best court in France.29
The bill urged by the commons
(545)
Para14In the second year of his reign, King Henry☛ called his high court of parliament, the last day of April
in the town of Leicester, in which parliament many profitable laws were concluded,
and many petitions moved were for that time deferred. Amongst which one was that a
bill exhibited in the parliament holden30 at
Westminster in the eleventh year of King Henry the Fourth,31 which by reason the king was then troubled with civil discord
came to none effect, might now with good deliberation be pondered and brought to
some good conclusion. The effect☛ of which supplication was that the
temporal lands devoutly given and inordinately spent by religious and other
spiritual persons should be seized into the kings hands, sith the same might
suffice to maintain, to the honour of the king and defence of the realm, fifteen
earls, fifteen hundred knights, six thousand and two hundred esquires, and a
hundred alms-houses for relief only of the poor, impotent, and needy persons, and
the king to have clearly to his coffers twenty thousand pounds, with many other
provisions and values of religious houses,32 which I pass over.33
Para15This bill was much noted and more feared among the religious sort, whom
surely it touched very near, and therefore to find remedy against it they
determined to assay34 all ways to put by and
overthrow this bill, wherein they thought best to try if they might move the
king’s mood with some sharp invention, that he should not regard the importunate
petitions of the commons.35 Whereupon, on a day in the parliament, Henry Chichely, Archbishop of
Canterbury,☛ made a pithy oration wherein he declared how not only
the duchies of Normandy and Aquitaine, with the counties of Anjou and Maine and
the country of Gascony, were by undoubted title appertaining36 to the king, as to the lawful and only heir of the
same, but also the whole realm of France, as heir to his great-grandfather king
Edward the Third.
The Salic Law Oration and the Build to War (545–546)
Para16Herein did he much inveigh37
against the surmised38 and
false feigned law Salic ,☛ which the
Frenchmen allege ever against the kings of England in bar of their just title to
the crown of France. The very words of that supposed law are these: In terram Salicam mulieres ne succedant, that is to
say,
Into the Salic land let not women succeed,which the French glossers39 expound to be the realm of France, and that this law was made by King Pharamond,40 whereas yet their own authors affirm that the land Salic is in Germany, between the rivers of Elbe and Saale; and that when Charles the Great41 had overcome the Saxons, he placed there certain Frenchmen which, having in disdain the dishonest manners of the German women, made a law that the females should not succeed to any inheritance within that land, which at this day is called Meissen.☛ So that if this be true, this law was not made for the realm of France, nor the Frenchmen possessed the land Salic till four hundred and one-and-twenty years after the death of Pharamond, the supposed maker of this Salic law, for this Pharamond deceased in the year 426, and Charles the Great subdued the Saxons and placed the Frenchmen in those parts beyond the river of Saale in the year 805.42
Para17Moreover, it appeareth by their own writers that King Pepin, which
deposed Childeric,43 claimed the
crown of France as heir general for that he was descended of Blithild, daughter to
king Clothair the First.44 Hugh Capet
also, who usurped the crown upon Charles Duke of Lorraine,45 the sole heir male of the line and stock of Charles the Great, to
make his title seem true and appear good, though in deed it was stark naught,46 conveyed himself as heir to the Lady
Lingard, daughter to King Charlemagne,47 son to Louis the emperor, that was son to Charles
the Great. King Louis also, the Tenth,48 otherwise called Saint Louis, being very heir
to the said usurper Hugh Capet, could never be satisfied in his conscience how he
might justly keep and possess the crown of France till he was persuaded and fully
instructed that Queen Isabelle49 his grandmother was
lineally descended of the Lady Ermengard, daughter and heir to the above named
Charles Duke of Lorraine, by the which marriage the blood and line of Charles the
Great was again united and restored to the crown and sceptre of France. So that
more clear than the sun it openly appeareth that the title of King Pepin, the
claim of Hugh Capet, the possession of Louis, yea and the French kings to this day
are derived and conveyed from the heir female, though they would under the colour
of such a feigned law bar the kings and princes of this realm of England of their
right and lawful inheritance.50
Para18The archbishop further alleged out of the Book of Numbers this saying:
When a man dieth without a son, let the inheritance descend to his daughter.51 At length, having said sufficiently for the proof of the king’s just and lawful title to the crown of France, he exhorted him to advance forth his banner to fight for his right, to conquer his inheritance, to spare neither blood, sword, nor fire, sith his war was just, his cause good, and his claim true52. And to the intent his loving chaplains and obedient subjects of the spiritualty53 might show themselves willing and desirous to aid his majesty, for the recovery of his ancient right and true inheritance, the archbishop declared that in their spiritual convocation,54 they had granted to his highness such a sum of money as never by no spiritual persons was to any prince before those days given or advanced.55 When the archbishop had ended his prepared tale, Ralph Neville, Earl of Westmorland,☛ and as then Lord Warden of the Marches56 against Scotland, understanding that the king, upon a courageous desire to recover his right in France, would surely take the wars in hand, thought good to move the king to begin first with Scotland, and thereupon declared how easy a matter it should be to make a conquest there, and how greatly the same should further his wished purpose for the subduing of the Frenchmen, concluding the sum of his tale with this old saying: that Whoso will France win, must with Scotland first begin. Many matters he touched, as well to show how necessary the conquest of Scotland should be as also to prove how just a cause the king had to attempt it, trusting to persuade the king and all other to be of his opinion.57
Para19But after he had made an end, the Duke of Exeter, uncle to the king, a
man well learned and wise☛—who had been sent into
Italy by his father, intending that he should have been a priest—replied against
the Earl of Westmorland’s oration, affirming rather that he which would Scotland
win, he with France must first begin. For if the king might once compass58 the conquest of France, Scotland
could not long resist; so that conquer France, and Scotland would soon obey. For
where should the Scots learn policy and skill to defend themselves if they had not
their bringing up and training in France☛? If the French pensions59 maintained not the Scottish nobility, in what case should they
be? Then take away France, and the Scots will soon be tamed, France being to
Scotland the same that the sap is to the tree, which being taken away the tree
must needs die and wither.60
Para20To be brief, the Duke of Exeter used such earnest and pithy persuasions
to induce the king and the whole assembly of the parliament to credit his words
that immediately after he had made an end, all the company began to cry,
War, war! France, France!Hereby the bill for dissolving of religious houses was clearly set aside, and nothing thought on but only the recovering of France, according as the archbishop had moved. And upon this point, after a few acts besides for the wealth of the realm established, the parliament was prorogued unto Westminster […]
Exeter’s Embassy (546–547)
Para21Immediately after, the king sent over into France his uncle the Duke of
Exeter, the Lord Grey, Admiral of England, the Archbishop of Dublin, and the
Bishop of Norwich, ambassadors unto the French king, with five hundred horse,61 which were lodged in the temple house in
Paris, keeping such triumphant cheer in their lodging and such a solemn estate in
their riding through the city, that the Parisians and all the Frenchmen had no
small marvel at their honourable port.62
Para22The French king received them very honourable, and banqueted them right
sumptuously, showing to them jousts and martial pastimes, by the space of three
days together, in the which jousts the king himself, to show his courage and
activity to the Englishmen, manfully brake63
spears and lustily64 tourneyed. When the
triumph was ended, the English ambassadors, having a time appointed them to
declare their message, admitted to the French king’s presence, required of him to
deliver unto the King of England the realm and crown of France, with the entire
duchies of Aquitaine, Normandy, and Anjou, with the countries of Poitou and Maine.
Many other requests they made, and this offered withal: that if the French king
would, without war and effusion of Christian blood, render to the king their
master his very right and lawful inheritance, that he would be content to take in
marriage the Lady Catherine, daughter to the French king, and to endow her with
all the duchies and countries before rehearsed; and if he would not so do, then
the King of England did express and signify to him that with the aid of God and
help of his people, he would recover his right and inheritance wrongfully
withholden65 from him, with mortal war,
and dint of sword […]
Para23The Frenchmen, being not a little abashed at these demands, thought not
to make any absolute answer in so weighty a cause till they had further
breathed,66 and therefore
prayed the English ambassadors to say to the king their master that they now
having no opportunity to conclude in so high a matter, would shortly send
ambassadors into England, which should certify and declare to the king their whole
mind, purpose, and intent. The English ambassadors returned with this answer,
making relation of every thing that was said or done. King Henry, after the return
of his ambassadors, determined fully to make war in France, conceiving a good and
perfect hope to have fortunate success, sith victory for the most part followeth
where right leadeth, being advanced forward by justice, and set forth by
equity.
The French Response / the offer likes not
(547–548)
Para24The Frenchmen having knowledge hereof, the dauphin, who had the
governance of the realm because his father was fallen into his old disease of
frenzy,67 sent for the dukes of Berry
and Alençon, and all the other lords of the council of France, by whose advice
it was determined that they should not only prepare a sufficient army to resist
the King of England whensoever he arrived to invade France, but also to
stuff68 and furnish the towns on the
frontiers and sea coasts with convenient garrisons of men, and further to send
to the king of England a solemn embassage to make to him some offers according
to the demands before rehearsed […]
Para25At time prefixed,69 before the
king’s presence, sitting in his throne imperial, the Archbishop of Bourges made
an eloquent and a long oration dissuading war and praising peace, offering to
the king of England a great sum of money, with divers counties—being in very
deed but base and poor—as a dowry with the Lady Catherine in marriage, so that
he would dissolve his army and dismiss his soldiers, which he had gathered and
put in a readiness.70
Para26When his oration was ended, the king caused the ambassadors to be
highly feasted, and set them at his own table. And after a day assigned in the
foresaid hall, the Archbishop of Canterbury to their oration made a notable
answer, the effect whereof was that if the French king would not give with his
daughter in marriage the duchies of Aquitaine, Anjou, and all other
seigniories71 and dominions
sometimes72 appertaining to the noble
progenitors of the King of England, he would in no wise73 retire his army, nor break his journey, but would with all
diligence enter into France and destroy the people, waste the country, and
subvert the towns with blood, sword, and fire,74 and never cease till he had recovered his ancient right and
lawful patrimony. The king avowed75 the
archbishop’s saying, and in the word of a prince promised to perform it to the
uttermost.
Para27The Archbishop of Bourges,☛ much grieved that his embassage was no more regarded, after
certain brags blustered out with impatience, as more presuming upon his
prelacy76 than respecting
his duty of considerance to whom he spake77
and what became him to say. He prayed safe conduct to depart, which the king
gently granted, and added withal to this effect:
I little esteem your French brags, and less set by your power☛ and strength. I know perfectly my right to my region, which you usurp, and except you deny the apparent truth, so do yourselves also. If you neither do nor will know it, yet God and the world knoweth it. The power of your master you see, but my puissance78 ye have not yet tasted. If he have loving subjects, I am, I thank God, not unstored of the same; and I say this unto you: that before one year pass I trust to make the highest crown of your country to stoop, and the proudest miter79 to learn his humiliatedo.80 In the meantime, tell this to the usurper your master: that within three months I will enter into France as into mine own true and lawful patrimony, appointing to acquire the same not with brag of words, but with deeds of men and dint of sword, by the aid of God, in whom is my whole trust and confidence. Further matter at this present I impart not unto you, saving that with warrant you may depart surely and safely into your country, where I trust sooner to visit you than you shall have cause to bid me welcome.
A Repeated Demand in the bowels of the Lord
(548)
Para29When the king had all provisions ready, and ordered all things for the
defence of his realm, he, leaving behind him for governor of the realm the
queen his mother-in-law,☛ departed to Southampton to take ship into France. And first
princely82 appointing to advertise
the French king of his coming, therefor83 dispatched Antelope,84 his pursuivant-at-arms,85 with letters to him for restitution of that
which he wrongfully withheld, contrary to the laws of God and man, the king
further declaring how sorry he was that he should be thus compelled for
repeating of his right and just title of inheritance, to make war to the
destruction of Christian people, but sithens86 he had offered peace which could not be received, now for
fault of87 justice he was forced
to take arms. Nevertheless exhorted the French king in the bowels88 of Jesu Christ to
render him that which was his own, whereby effusion of Christian blood might be
avoided.89 These letters, chiefly to
this effect and purpose, were written and dated from Hampton90 the fifth of August. When the same were presented to
the French king, and by his council well perused, answer was made that he would
take advice and provide therein as time and place should be convenient, so the
messenger licensed91 to depart at his
pleasure.
The Southampton Treason (548–549)
Para30When King Henry had fully furnished his navy with men, munition, and
other provisions, perceiving that his captains misliked nothing so much as
delay, determined his soldiers to go a-shipboard and away. But see the hap92: the night before the day appointed for their departure, he
was credibly informed that Richard Earl of Cambridge, brother to Edward Duke of
York, and Henry Lord Scrope of Masham, lord treasurer, with Thomas Gray, a
knight of Northumberland, being confederate together, had conspired his death;
wherefore he caused them to be apprehended☛.93 The said Lord Scrope was in such favour with the king that he
admitted him sometime to be his bedfellow,94 in whose fidelity95 the king
reposed such trust that when any private or public council was in hand, this
lord☛ had much in the determination
of it. For he represented so great gravity in his countenance, such modesty in
behaviour, and so virtuous zeal to all godliness in his talk, that whatsoever he
said was thought for the most part necessary to be done and followed.96 Also the said Sir Thomas Gray (as some write) was of the king’s
privy council.
Para31These prisoners upon their examination confessed that for a great sum
of money which they had received of the French king they intended verily97 either to have delivered the king alive into
the hands of his enemies, or else to have murdered him before he should arrive
in the duchy of Normandy. When King Henry had heard all things opened which he
desired to know, he caused all his nobility to come before his presence, before
whom he caused to be brought the offenders also, and to them said☛:
Having thus conspired the death and destruction of me, which am the head of the realm and governor of the people, it may be no doubt but that you likewise have sworn the confusion98 of all that are here with me, and also the desolation of your own country. To what horror—O Lord!—for any true English heart to consider, that such an execrable iniquity should ever so bewrap99 you as for pleasing of a foreign enemy to imbrue100 your hands in your blood and to ruin your own native soil. Revenge herein touching my person though I seek not, yet for the safeguard of you my dear friends, and for due preservation of all sorts, I am by office101 to cause example to be showed. Get ye hence therefore, ye poor miserable wretches, to the receiving of your just reward, wherein God’s majesty give you grace of his mercy and repentance of your heinous offences.102 And so immediately they were had to execution.
Para32This done,☛ the king, calling his lords again afore him, said
in words few and with good grace: of his enterprises he recounted the honour and
glory, whereof they with him were to be partakers; the great confidence he had
in their noble minds, which could not but remember them of the famous feats
that their ancestors aforetime in France had achieved, whereof the due report,
forever recorded, remained yet in register;103 the great mercy of
God that had so graciously revealed unto him the treason at hand, whereby the
true hearts of those afore him made so eminent and apparent in his eye as they
might be right sure he would never forget it; the doubt of danger to be nothing
in respect of the certainty of honour that they should acquire, wherein himself
(as they saw) in person would be lord and leader through God’s grace. To whose
majesty as chiefly was known the equity of his demand, even so to his mercy did
he only recommend the success of his travels. When the king had said, all the
noblemen kneeled down and promised faithfully to serve him, duly to obey him,
and rather to die than to suffer104 him to
fall into the hands of his enemies.
Para33This done, the king thought that surely all treason and conspiracy had
been utterly extinct: not suspecting the fire which was newly kindled and
ceased not to increase till at length it burst out into such a flame105 that catching the beams of his house and family, his line
and stock was clean consumed to ashes. Divers write that Richard Earl of
Cambridge did not conspire with the Lord Scrope and Thomas Gray for the
murdering of King Henry to please the French king withal, but only to the
intent to exalt to the crown his brother-in-law Edmund Earl of March as heir to
Lionel Duke of Clarence, after the death of which Earl of March, for divers
secret impediments not able to have issue, the Earl of Cambridge was sure that
the crown should come to him by his wife, and to his children of her begotten.
106 And
therefore, as was thought, he rather confessed himself for need of money to be
corrupted by the French king than he would declare his inward mind and open his
very intent and secret purpose, which if it were espied, he saw plainly that
the Earl of March should have tasted of the same cup that he had drunken, and
what should have come to his own children he much doubted.107 Therefore destitute of comfort and in despair of life to
save his children, he feigned that tale, desiring rather to save his succession
than himself, which he did indeed: for his son Richard Duke of York not privily
but openly claimed the crown, and Edward his son both claimed it and gained it,
as after it shall appear. Which thing, if king Henry had at this time either
doubted or foreseen, had never been like to have come to pass, as Hall
saith.
The Campaign in France
Henry’s
Henry’s express charge
to the Army (549)
Para34But now to proceed with king Henry’s doings.☛ After this, when the wind came about prosperous to his
purpose, he caused the mariners to weigh up anchors and hoist up sails,☛ and
to set forward with a thousand ships on the vigil108 of Our Lady Day the Assumption,109 and took land at Caux, commonly called Kidcaux,110 where the river of Seine runneth into the
sea, without resistance. At his first coming on land, he caused
proclamation☛ to be made, that no person should be so hardy on pain
of death either to take any thing out of any church that belonged to the same,
or to hurt or do any violence either to priests, women, or any such as should
be found without weapon or armour, and not ready to make resistance; also that
no man should renew any quarrel or strife,☛ whereby any fray might arise to the disquieting of the army.111
The Siege of Harfleur (549–551)
Para35The next day after his landing, he marched toward the town of
Harfleur, standing on the river of Seine between two hills☛; he besieged it on every side, raising bulwarks112 and a
bastille,113 in
which the two earls of Kent and Huntington were placed, with Cornwall, Gray,
Steward, and Porter. On that side towards the sea the king lodged with his
field, and the Duke of Clarence on the further side towards Rouen. There were
within the town the lords de Touteville and Gaucourt, with divers other that
valiantly defended the siege, doing what damage they could to their adversaries
and damming up the river that hath his course through the town. The water rose
so high betwixt the king’s camp and the Duke of Clarence’s camp (divided by the
same river) that the Englishmen were constrained to withdraw their artillery
from one side, where they had planted the same.
Para36The French king being advertised that king Henry was arrived on that
coast, sent in all hast the Lord d’Albret, Constable of France, the Seneschal
of France, the Lord Boucicault Marshal of France, the Seneschal of Hainault,
the Lord Ligne, with other,114 which
fortified towns with men, victuals,115
and artillery on all those frontiers towards the sea. And hearing that Harfleur
was besieged,☛ they came
to the castle of Caudebec, being not far from Harfleur, to the intent they
might succour116 their friends which were
besieged by117 some policy118 or means; but the Englishmen, notwithstanding all the
damage that the Frenchmen could work against them, foraged the country, spoiled
the villages, bringing many a rich prey to the camp before Harfleur. And daily
was the town assaulted, for the Duke of Gloucester, to whom the order of the
siege was committed, made three mines119 under the ground, and approaching to the walls with his
engines120 and ordnance, would
not suffer them within to take any rest.121
Para37For although they with their countermining122 somewhat disappointed123 the Englishmen124 and came to fight with them hand to hand within the mines, so
that they went no further forward with that work,☛ yet they were so enclosed on each side as well by water as
land, that succour they saw could none come to them: for the king lying with his
battle on the hill side on the one party, and the Duke of Clarence beyond the
river that passeth by the town and runneth into Seine on the other party,
beside other lords and captains that were lodged with their retinues for their
most advantage, none could be suffered to go in or come forth without their
license, insomuch that such powder125 as
was sent to have been conveyed into the town by water was taken by the English
ships that watched the river.
Para38The captains within the town, perceiving that they were not able long
to resist the continual assaults of the Englishmen, knowing that their walls
were undermined,126 and like
to be overthrown (as one of their bulwarks☛
was already, where the earls☛ of
Huntington and Kent had set up their banners) sent an officer at arms forth
about midnight after the feast day of Saint☛
Lambert,127 which fell that year
upon the Tuesday, to beseech the King of England to appoint some certain
persons as commissioners from him, with whom they within might treat128 about some agreement. The Duke of
Clarence, to whom this messenger first declared his errand, advertised129 the king of their request, who granting
thereto, appointed the Duke of Exeter, with the Lord Fitzhugh and Sir Thomas
Erpingham, to understand their minds, who at the first requested a truce until
Sunday next following the feast of Saint Michael,130 in which mean time if no succour came to remove the siege,
they would undertake to deliver the town into the king’s hands, their lives and
goods saved.
Para39The king advertised hereof sent them word that except they would
surrender the town to him the morrow next ensuing, without any condition, they
should spend no more time in talk about the matter. But yet at length through
the earnest suit of the French lords, the king was contented to grant them
truce until nine of the clock the next Sunday,☛ being the two-and-twentieth of September; with condition
that if in the meantime no rescue came, they should yield the town at that
hour, with their bodies and goods to stand at the king’s pleasure. And for
assurance thereof, they delivered into the king’s hands thirty of their best
captains and merchants within that town as pledges […]
Para40The king nevertheless was after content to grant a respite upon
certain conditions: that the captains within might have time to send to the
French king for succour (as before ye have heard) lest he, intending greater
exploits, might lose time in such small matters. When this composition was
agreed upon, the Lord Bacquevill was sent unto the French king, to declare in
what point131 the town stood. To whom the
dauphin answered that the king’s power was not yet assembled in such number as
was convenient to raise so great a siege.132 This answer being brought unto the captains within the town, they rendered it up
to the
King of England after that the third day was expired, which was on the day of Saint
Maurice,133 being the
seven-and-thirtieth day after the siege was first laid. The soldiers were
ransomed and the town sacked,☛ to the great gain of the Englishmen. Some writing of this
yielding☛ up of Harfleur do in like sort134 make mention of the distress
whereto the people, then expelled out of their habitations, were driven:
insomuch as parents with their children, young maids, and old folk went out of
the town gates with heavy hearts (God wot135)
as put to their present shifts136 to seek them a new abode. Besides that, King Henry caused
proclamation to be made within his own dominions of England that whosoever
(either handicraftsman, merchantman, gentleman, or ploughman) would inhabit in
Harfleur should have his dwelling given him gratis,137 and his heir after him also enjoy the like grace and
favour; insomuch that great multitudes flocked to the seacoasts, waiting wind
and weather for their transportage into Harfleur, where being arrived,
wonderful it is to tell, within how short a time the town was peopled […]
Para41All this done, the king ordained captain to the town his uncle the
Duke of Exeter,138 who established his lieutenant there
one Sir John Fastolf,139 with fifteen hundred men […] And because many of
his nobles whilst this siege lay before Harfleur fell sick of the flux140 and other diseases, divers also dead […] the king licensed his brother the Duke of Clarence, John Earl Marshal,
and John Earl of Arundel, being infected with that disease, to return into
England.
Para42King Henry, after the winning of Harfleur, determined to have
proceeded further in the winning of other towns and fortresses, but because the
dead time of the winter approached, it was determined by advice of his council
that he should in all convenient speed set forward and march through the
country towards Calais141 by land, lest his return as then homewards should of142 slanderous tongues be named a running away.143 And yet that journey was adjudged
perilous, by reason that the number of his people was much minished144 by the flux☛ and other
fevers, which sore vexed and brought to death above fifteen hundred persons of
the army; and this was the cause that his return was the sooner appointed and
concluded […]
The March to Calais (551–552)
Para43When the king had repaired the walls, bulwarks and rampires145 about the town and furnished it with
victuals and artillery, he removed from Harfleur toward Pontoise, intending to
pass the river of Somme with his army before the bridges were either withdrawn
or broken. Such victuals and other necessaries as were to be carried with the
army he appointed to be laid on horses, leaving the carts and wagons behind for
less encumber.146
Para44The French king, hearing that the town of Harfleur was gotten, and
that the King of England was marching forward into the bowels147 of the realm of France, sent out
proclamations and assembled people on every side, committing the whole charge
of his army to his son the dauphin and Duke of Aquitaine, who
incontinently148 caused the bridges
to be broken,☛ and the passages149 to be kept.150 Also they
caused all the corn151 and victuals to be
conveyed away or destroyed in all places where it was conjectured that the
Englishmen would pass. The King of England, nothing dismayed herewith, kept his
journey in spite of his enemies, constraining them within divers towns and
holds to furnish him with victuals […]
Para45At length the king approached the river of Somme, and finding all the
bridges broken, he came to the passage☛of Blanche Tâche, where his great-grandfather King Edward the
Third a little before had stricken the battle of Crècy, but the passage was now
so impeached152 with stakes in
the bottom of the ford that he could not pass, his enemies besides
thereaway153 so swarming on all sides.
He therefore marched forwards to Arry, marching with his army and passing with
his carriage154
in so martial a manner that he appeared so terrible to his enemies as they
durst not offer him battle. And yet the Lord d’Albret, Constable of France, the
Marshal Boucicault, the Earl of Vendôme, Great Master of France, the Duke of
Alençon, and the Earl of Richmond, with all the puissance of the dauphin, lay
at Abbeville, but ever kept the passages and coasted aloof, like a hawk: though
eager, yet not hardy on155 her
prey. The King of England kept on his journey till he came to the bridge of
Saint Marence, where he found above thirty thousand Frenchmen, and there
pitched his field, looking surely to be fought withal […]
Para46[After a skirmish with the garrison at the town of Corbie,] the king
the same day found a shallow, between Corbie and Peron, which never was espied
before, at which he with his army and carriages the night ensuing, passed the
water of Somme☛ without let156 or
danger,157 and therewith
determined to make haste towards Calais, and not to seek for battle,
except158 he were thereto constrained,
because that his army by sickness was sore diminished, insomuch that he had but
only two thousand horsemen and thirteen thousand archers, billmen,159 and of all
sorts of other footmen☛.160
An English Soldier Robs a Church (552)
Para47The Englishmen were brought into some distress☛ in this journey by reason of their
victuals in manner161 spent and no
hope to get more, for the enemies had destroyed all the corn before they came.
Rest could they none take, for their enemies with alarms162 did ever so infest them; daily it rained, and
nightly it freezed; of fuel there was great scarcity, of fluxes plenty; money
enough, but wares for their relief to bestow it on had they none. Yet in this
great necessity the poor people of the country were not spoiled, nor any thing
taken of them without payment, nor any outrage or offence done by the
Englishmen, except one, which was that a soldier took a pix163 out of a church,164 for which he was apprehended☛ and the king not once removed till
the box was restored, and the offender strangled.165 The people of the countries thereabout, hearing of such zeal
in him to the maintenance of justice,☛ ministered to his army victuals, and other necessaries,
although by open proclamation☛ so to do they
were prohibited.166
The French Send a Herald (552)
Para48The French king being at Rouen, and hearing☛ that King
Henry was passed the river of Somme, was much displeased therewith, and
assembling his council to the number of five-and-thirty, asked their advice
what was to be done. There was amongst these five-and-thirty his son the
dauphin, calling himself King of Sicily☛; the dukes of Berry and Brittany; the Earl of Pontieu, the
king’s youngest son; and other high estates.167 At length thirty of them agreed that the Englishmen should not
depart unfought withal,168 and five were of a contrary opinion,
but the greater number ruled the matter; and so Montjoy king-at-arms was sent
to the King of England to defy him as the enemy of France☛,169 and to tell him that he should
shortly have battle. King Henry advisedly answered☛:
Mine intent is to do as it pleaseth God. I will not seek your master at this time, but if he or his seek me, I will meet with them, God willing. If any of your nation attempt once to stop me in my journey now towards Calais, at their jeopardy be it; and yet wish I not any of you so unadvised170 as to be the occasion that I dye your tawny ground with your red blood.171When he had thus answered the herald, he gave him a princely reward and license to depart.172 Upon whose return with this answer, it was incontinently on the French side proclaimed that all men of war should resort to the constable to fight with the King of England. Whereupon all men apt for armour173 and desirous of honour drew them toward the field. The dauphin sore desired to have been at the battle, but he was prohibited by his father […]
The Action at the Bridge (552)
Para49The King of England, hearing that the Frenchmen approached, and that
there was another river for him to pass with his army by a bridge, and doubting
lest174 if the same bridge should be
broken it would be greatly to his hindrance, appointed certain captains with
their hands175 to go thither with all speed
before him, and to take possession thereof, and so to keep it till his coming
thither.
Para50Those that were sent, finding the Frenchmen busy to break down their
bridge, assailed them so vigorously that they discomfited176 them and took177 and slew them; and so the bridge was preserved till the
king came and passed the river by the same with his whole army.178 This was on the two-and-twentieth day of October.
Agincourt
Before Agincourt (552)
Para51The Duke of York that led the vanguard179 (after the army was passed the river) mounted
up to the height of an hill with his people and sent out scouts to discover the
country, the which upon their return advertised him that a great army of
Frenchmen was at hand, approaching towards them. The duke declared to the king
what he had heard, and the king thereupon,180 without all fear or trouble of mind, caused the battle181 which he led himself to stay, and
incontinently rode forth☛ to view his adversaries,182 and that done, returned to his people, and with cheerful
countenance183 caused them to be put in order of
battle, assigning to every captain such room and place as he thought
convenient, and so kept them still in that order till night was come, and then
determined to seek a place to encamp and lodge his army in for that night.
Para52There was not one amongst them that knew any certain place whither to
go in that unknown country, but by chance they happened upon a beaten184 way, white in sight, by the which
they were brought unto a little village where they were refreshed with meat and
drink somewhat more plenteously than they had been divers days before. Order
was taken by commandment from the king, after the army was first set in battle
array, that no noise or clamour should be made in the host,185 so that in marching forth to this village, every man kept
himself quiet. But at their coming into the village, fires were made to give
light on every side, as there likewise were in the French host,186 which was encamped not past two hundred and fifty paces
distant from the English.187 The
chief leaders of the French host were these: the Constable of France, the
marshal, the admiral, the Lord Rambures, Master of the Crossbows, and other of
the French nobility, which came and pitched down their standards and banners in
the county of Saint Paul, within the territory of Agincourt, having in their
army (as some write) to the number of threescore thousand horsemen,☛ besides footmen, wagoners, and other.188
Para53They were lodged even in the way by the which the Englishmen must
needs pass towards Calais, and all that night after their coming thither made
great cheer and were very merry, pleasant, and full of game. The Englishmen
also for their parts were of good comfort, and nothing abashed of the matter,
and yet they were both hungry, weary, sore-traveled, and vexed with many cold
diseases.189 Howbeit reconciling themselves with
God by housel190 and
shrift,191 requiring assistance at his
hands that is the only giver of victory, they determined rather to die, than to
yield, or flee.192 The day following was the
five-and-twentieth of October in the year 1415,☛ being then Friday, and the
feast of Crispin and Crispinian,193 a day fair and fortunate to the English, but most sorrowful and
unlucky to the French.
The Morning of Battle (553).
Para54In the morning, the French captains made three battles194 […] The Frenchmen being ordered
under their standards and banners made a great show,☛ for surely they were esteemed in
number six times as many or more than was the whole company of the Englishmen,
with wagoners, pages195
and all.196 They rested
themselves, waiting for the bloody blast of the terrible trumpet, till the hour
between nine and ten of the clock of the same day, during which season, the
constable made unto the captains and other men of war a pithy oration,
exhorting and encouraging them to do valiantly, with many comfortable words and
sensible reasons.197 King Henry also, like a leader and not as one led, like a
sovereign and not an inferior, perceiving a plot of ground very strong and meet
for198 his purpose, which on the
back half was fenced with the village wherein he had lodged the night before,
and on both sides defended with hedges and bushes, thought good there to
embattle his host,199 and so
ordered his men in the same place, as he saw occasion, and as stood for his
most advantage.
Para55First, he sent privily200 two
hundred archers☛ into a low meadow, which was near to the vanguard of his
enemies but separated with a great ditch, commanding them there to keep
themselves close till they had a token201 to
them given to let drive at their adversaries; beside this, he appointed a
vanguard, of the which he made captain Edward Duke of York, who of an haughty
courage had desired that office,202 and with him were the lords Beaumont, Willoughby, and Fanhope,☛ and this battle was all
of archers. The middle ward203
was governed by the king himself, with his brother the Duke of Gloucester, and
the earls of Marshall, Oxford, and Suffolk, in the which were all the strong
billmen. The Duke of Exeter, uncle to the king, led the rearward,204 which was mixed both
with billmen and archers.☛ The horsemen like wings went on every side of the
battle.205
Para56Thus the king, having ordered his battles, feared not the puissance of
his enemies, but yet to provide206 that
they207 should not with the multitude
of horsemen break the order of his archers, in whom the force of☛ his
army consisted—for in those days the yeomen208 had their limbs at liberty, sith their hosen209 were then fastened with one point, and
their jacks210 long and easy to shoot in, so
that they might draw bows of great strength, and shoot arrows of a yard long,
beside the head—he caused stakes, bound with iron☛ sharp at both ends, of the length of five or six
foot, to be pitched before the archers and of each side the footmen like an
hedge, to the intent that if the barded211
horses ran rashly upon them, they might shortly be gored and destroyed. Certain
persons also were appointed to remove the stakes, as by the moving of the
archers occasion212 and time should
require, so that the footmen were hedged about with stakes, and the horsemen
stood like a bulwark between them and their enemies, without213 the stakes. This device ☛ of fortifying an army was at this time first
invented, but since that time they have devised caltrops,214 harrows,215 and
other new engines216 against the force of
horsemen, so that if the enemies run hastily upon the same, either are their
horses wounded with the stakes, or their feet hurt with the other engines, so
as thereby the beasts are gored, or else made unable to maintain their
course.
Para57King Henry, by reason of his small number of people to fill up his
battles, placed his vanguard so on the right hand of the main battle, which
himself led, that the distance betwixt them might scarce be perceived, and so
in like case was the rearward joined on the left hand, that the one might the
more readily succour another in time of need. When he had thus ordered his
battles, he left a small company to keep his camp and carriage,217 which remained still in the village,218 and then calling his captains and soldiers about him, he made
to them a right grave oration,☛ moving them to play the men,219 whereby to obtain a glorious victory, as there was hope certain
they should, the rather if they would but remember the just cause for which
they fought and whom they should encounter, such faint-hearted people as their
ancestors had so often overcome.220 To conclude, many
words of courage he uttered to stir them to do manfully, assuring them that
England should never be charged with his ransom, nor any Frenchmen triumph over
him as a captive, for either by famous death or glorious victory would he (by
God’s grace) win honour and fame.221
Para58It is said, that as he heard one of the host utter his wish☛ to another thus:
I would to God there were with us now so many good soldiers as are at this hour within England!222 The king answered☛:
I would not wish a man more here than I have. We are indeed in comparison to the enemies but a few, but if God of his clemency223 do favour us and our just cause, as I trust he will, we shall speed224 well enough.225 But let no man ascribe victory to our own strength and might, but only to God’s assistance, to whom I have no doubt we shall worthily have cause to give thanks therefor. And if so be that for our offences’226 sakes we shall be delivered into the hands of our enemies, the less number we be, the less damage shall the realm of England sustain. But if we should fight in trust of227 multitude of men, and so get the victory (our minds being prone to pride), we should thereupon peradventure228 ascribe the victory not so much to the gift of God as to our own puissance, and thereby provoke his high indignation and displeasure against us. And if the enemy get the upper hand, then should our realm and country suffer more damage and stand in further danger. But be you of good comfort, and show yourselves valiant. God and our just quarrel shall defend us, and deliver these our proud adversaries, with all the multitude of them which you see (or at the least the most of them), into our hands.
The French Before the Battle (553–554)
Para59Whilst the king was yet thus in speech, either army so maligned the
other, being as then in open sight, that every man cried,
Forward! Forward!The dukes of Clarence, Gloucester, and York were of the same opinion,229 yet the king stayed230 awhile lest any jeopardy were not foreseen, or any hazard not prevented. The Frenchmen, in the meanwhile, as though they had been sure of victory, made great triumph, for the captains had determined before how to divide the spoil,231 and the soldiers the night before had played the Englishmen at dice.232 The noblemen had devised a chariot wherein they might triumphantly convey the king captive to the city of Paris, crying to their soldiers,
Haste you to the spoil! Glory and honour!—little weening,233 God wot, how soon their brags should be blown away.
Another Call for Henry’s Ransom (554)
Para60Here☛ we may not forget how the
French thus in their jollity sent an herald to King Henry to inquire what
ransom he would offer.234 Whereunto he answered that within
two or three hours he hoped it would so happen that the Frenchmen should be
glad to common235 rather with the
Englishmen for their ransoms than the English to take thought for their
deliverance, promising for his own part that his dead carcass should rather be
a prize to the Frenchmen than that his living body should pay any ransom.236
The Battle Begins (554)
Para61When the messenger was come back to the French host, the men of war
put on their helmets, and caused their trumpets to blow to the battle. They
thought themselves so sure of victory that divers of the noblemen made such
haste towards the battle that they left many of their servants and men of war
behind them, and some of them would not once stay for their standards237; as amongst other the Duke
of Brabant, when his standard was not come, caused a banner to be taken from a
trumpet and fastened to a spear, the which he commanded to be borne before him
instead of his standard.238
Para62But when both these armies, coming within danger either of other, set
in full order of battle on both sides, they stood still at the first, beholding
either other’s demeanour, being not distant in sunder239 past three bowshots. And when they had on both parts thus
stayed a good while without doing anything—except that certain of the French
horsemen, advancing forwards betwixt both the hosts, were by the English
archers constrained to return back—advice was taken amongst the Englishmen what
was best for them to do. Thereupon, all things considered, it was determined
that sith the Frenchmen would not come forward, the king with his army
embattled (as ye have heard) should march towards them, and so leaving their
truss240 and baggage in the village
where they lodged the night before, only with their weapons, armour, and stakes
prepared for the purpose, as ye have heard.
Para63These made somewhat forward,241 before whom there went an old knight, Sir Thomas Erpingham,☛ a man of great
experience in the war, with a warder242
in his hand; and when he cast up his warder, all the army shouted, but that was
a sign to the archers in the meadow, which therewith shot wholly altogether at
the vanguard of the Frenchmen, who when☛ they perceived the archers in the meadow and saw they
could not come at them for a ditch that was betwixt them, with all haste set
upon the foreward of King Henry, but ere243
they could join, the archers in the forefront and the archers on that side
which stood in the meadow so wounded the footmen, galled the horses, and
cumbered244 the men of arms that the
footmen durst not go forward, the horsemen ran together upon plumps245 without order, some overthrew
such as were next them, and the horses overthrew their masters, and so at the
first joining the Frenchmen were foully discomforted and the Englishmen highly
encouraged.
Para64When the French vanguard was thus brought to confusion, the English
archers cast away their bows and took into their hands axes, mauls,246 swords, ☛ bills,247 and other hand weapons, and with the same slew the
Frenchmen until they came to the middle ward. Then approached the king, and so
encouraged his people, that shortly the second battle of the Frenchmen was
overthrown,248 and dispersed,
not without great slaughter of men; howbeit249 divers were relieved by their varlets250 and conveyed out of the field. The
Englishmen were so busied in fighting and taking of the prisoners at hand that
they followed not in chase of their enemies, nor would once break out of their
array of battle. Yet sundry of the Frenchmen strongly withstood the fierceness
of the English when they came to handy251 strokes, so that the fight sometime252 was doubtful and perilous. Yet as part
of the French horsemen set their course to have entered upon the king’s battle,
with the stakes overthrown, they were either taken or slain. Thus this battle
continued three long hours.
Para65The king that day showed himself a valiant knight, albeit almost
felled by the Duke of Alençon;253 yet with plain
strength he slew two of the duke’s company, and felled the duke himself, whom
when he would have yielded, the king’s guard254 (contrary to his255
mind) slew out of hand.256 In
conclusion, the king, minding to make an end of that day’s journey, caused his
horsemen to fetch a compass about,257
and to join with him against the rearward of the Frenchmen, in the which was
the greatest number of people.
The Attack on Henry’s Camp and the Killing of the Prisoners (554)
Para66When the Frenchmen perceived his intent,☛ they were suddenly amazed258 and ran away like sheep,
without order or array.259 Which when the king perceived, he
encouraged his men and followed so quickly upon the enemies that they ran
hither and thither, casting away their armour; many on their knees desired to
have their lives saved.260
Para67In the mean season, while the battle thus continued and that the
Englishmen had taken a great number of prisoners, certain Frenchmen on
horseback, whereof were captains Robinet of Bourneville, Rifflart of Clamas,
Isambert of Agincourt, and other men of arms to the number of six hundred
horsemen, which were the first that fled, hearing that the English tents and
pavilions were a good way distant from the army without any sufficient guard to
defend the same, either upon a covetous meaning to gain by the spoil or upon a
desire to be revenged, entered upon the king’s camp☛ and there spoiled the hales,261 robbed the tents, brake up chests, and carried
away baskets, and slew such servants as they found to make any resistance.262 For which treason and haskardy263 in thus leaving their camp at the very point of fight, for
winning of spoil where none to defend it, very many were after committed to
prison, and had lost their lives if the dauphin had longer lived.
Para68But when the outcry of the lackeys264 and boys which ran away for fear of the Frenchmen thus
spoiling the camp came to the king’s ears, he, doubting lest265 his enemies should gather together
again and begin a new field266, and
mistrusting further that the prisoners would be an aid to his enemies or the
very enemies to their takers267 indeed if
they were suffered268 to live, contrary to
his accustomed gentleness commanded by sound of trumpet that every man, upon
pain of death, should incontinently slay his prisoner.269 When this dolorous270
decree and pitiful proclamation was pronounced, pity it was to see how some
Frenchmen☛ were suddenly
sticked with daggers, some were brained with poleaxes, some slain with mauls,
other had their throats cut, and some their bellies paunched,271 so that in effect, having respect to272 the great number, few prisoners were
saved.
The End of the Battle and its Aftermath, 1415 (554–555)
Para69When this lamentable slaughter was ended, the Englishmen disposed273 themselves in order of battle, ready to
abide a new field, and also to invade and newly set on their enemies […] Some write that the king, perceiving his enemies in one part to assemble
together as though they meant to give a new battle for preservation of the
prisoners, sent to them an herald, commanding them either to depart out of his
sight, or else to come forward☛ at once and give battle, promising herewith
that if they did offer to fight again, not only those prisoners which his
people already had taken, but also so many of them as in this new conflict
which they thus attempted should fall into his hands, should die the death
without redemption.274
Para70The Frenchmen, fearing the sentence of so terrible a decree, without
further delay parted out of the field. And so about four of the clock in the
afternoon, the king, when he saw no appearance of enemies, caused the
retreat275 to be blown,
and gathering his army together, gave thanks to almighty God☛ for so
happy276 a victory, causing his
prelates277 and chaplains to sing this
psalm: In exitu Israel de Aegypto278, and commanded every man to kneel down on the
ground at this verse☛: Non nobis Domine, non nobis, sed
nomini tuo da gloriam.279 Which done, he caused Te
Deum, with certain anthems280 to be sung, giving laud281
and praise to God without boasting of his☛ own force or any human power.282 That night he
and his people took rest and refreshed themselves with such victuals as they
found in the French camp, but lodged in the same village where he lay the night
before.283
Para71In the morning, Montjoy king-at-arms and four other French heralds
came to the king to know the number of prisoners, and to desire burial for the
dead.284 Before he made them answer (to understand what they would say), he demanded of them
why they made to him that
request, considering that he knew not whether the victory was his or theirs.285 When Montjoy by true and just
confession had cleared that doubt to the high praise of the king, he desired of
Montjoy to understand the name of the castle near adjoining. When they had told
him that it was called Agincourt,☛ he said
Then shall this conflict be called the battle of Agincourt.286 He feasted the French officers of arms287 that day, and granted them their request, which busily sought through the field for such as were slain. But the Englishmen suffered them not to go alone, for they searched with them,288 and found many hurt, but not in jeopardy of their lives, whom they took prisoners and brought them to their tents. When the King of England had well refreshed himself and his soldiers that had taken the spoil of such as were slain, he with his prisoners in good order returned to his town of Calais289 […]
Para72There were taken prisoners☛ Charles Duke of Orléans, nephew to the French king, John
Duke of Bourbon, the Lord Boucicault, one of the marshals of France (he after
died in England), with a number of other lords, knights, and esquires, at the
least fifteen hundred, besides the common people.290 There were slain☛ in all of the French part to the
number of ten thousand men, whereof were princes and noblemen bearing
banners291 one hundred twenty and
six; to these, of knights, esquires, and gentlemen, so many as made up the
number of eight thousand and four hundred (of the which five hundred were
dubbed knights the night before the battle), so as of the meaner sort, not past
sixteen hundred.292 Amongst those of the nobility that
were slain, these were the chiefest: Charles Lord d’Albret, High Constable of
France; Jacques of Châtillon Lord of Dampier, Admiral of France; the Lord
Rambures, Master of the Crossbows; Sir Guichard Dauphin, Great Master of
France; John Duke of Alençon; Antony Duke of Brabant, brother to the Duke of
Burgundy, Edward Duke of Bar, the Earl of Nevers, another brother to the Duke
of Burgundy; with the earls of Marle, Vaudémont, Beaumont, Granpré, Roucy,
Fauquemberge, Foix, and Lestrelles, beside a great number of lords and barons
of name293.
Para73Of Englishmen there died☛
at this battle Edward Duke York, the Earl of Suffolk, Sir Richard Kyghley, and
Davey Gam, Esquire, and of all other not above five-and-twenty persons,294 as some do report; but other writers of greater credit affirm
that there were slain above five or six hundred persons.☛ Titus Livius☛ saith that there were slain of Englishmen, beside the Duke of
York and the Earl of Suffolk, an hundred persons at the first encounter. The
Duke of Gloucester, the king’s brother, was sore wounded about the hips and
borne down to the ground so that he fell backwards with his feet towards his
enemies, whom the king bestrid295 and
like a brother valiantly rescued from his enemies, and so saving his life,
caused him to be conveyed out of the fight, into a place of more
safety […]
Henry Returns to England
Henry’s Triumphal Entry into London (556)
Para74The mayor of London and the aldermen,296 apparelled in orient grained scarlet297 and four hundred commoners
clad in beautiful murrey,298 well mounted and trimly299 horsed, with rich collars and great
chains, met the king on Blackheath, rejoicing at his return; and the clergy of
London, with rich crosses, sumptuous copes,300 and massy censers,301 received him at Saint Thomas of Waterings with solemn
procession.☛302 The king,☛ like a grave and sober personage, and as one remembering from
whom all victories are sent, seemed little to regard such vain pomp and shows
as were in triumphant sort devised for his welcoming home from so prosperous a
journey, insomuch that he would not suffer his helmet to be carried with him,
whereby might have appeared to the people the blows and dints303 that were to be seen in the same; neither
would he suffer any ditties to be made and sung by minstrels of his glorious
victory, for that he would wholly have the praise and thanks altogether given
to God304 […]
The Emperor’s Coming
(556–557)
Para75In this fourth year of King Henry’s reign,305 the Emperor Sigismund,☛ cousin-german306 to King Henry, came into England to
the intent that he might make an atonement between King Henry and the French
king, with whom he had been before, bringing with him the Archbishop of Rheims,
as ambassador for the French king […]
Para76But their evil hap, as they that were appointed by God’s providence to
suffer more damage at the Englishmen’s hands, would not permit his persuasions
to take place: for whereas peace was even almost entering in at the gates, the
[French] king was suddenly stirred to displeasure upon a new occasion, for he,
being advertised of the loss of his men at the late conflict in the territory
of Rouen (as ye have heard), refused to hear this word peace once
named. The emperor,☛ like a wise prince, passed over that time till another
season, that some favourable aspect of the planets should seem to further his
purpose […]
The Treaty of Troyes, 1420 (572–573)
Para78[Four more years of war saw Henry’s army capture Caen in 1417 and
Rouen in 1419, giving the English control over Normandy, and an English
alliance with the Duke of Burgundy, who controlled Paris, brought the French to
the point of surrender.] Whilst these victorious exploits were thus happily
achieved by the Englishmen, and that the king lay still at Rouen in giving
thanks to almighty God for the same, there came to him eftsoons308 ambassadors from the French king and the Duke
of Burgundy to move him to peace.309 The king,☛
minding310 not to be reputed for a
destroyer of the country which he coveted to preserve, or for a causer of
Christian blood still311 to be spilt in
his quarrel, began so to incline and give ear unto their suit and humble
request, that at length, after often sending to and fro, and that the Bishop of
Arras and other men of honour had been with him, and likewise the Earl of
Warwick and the Bishop of Rochester had been with the Duke of Burgundy, they
both finally agreed upon certain articles, so that the French king and his
commons312 would thereto
assent.
Para79Now was the French king and the queen with their daughter Catherine at
Troyes in Champagne, governed and ordered by them which so much favoured the
Duke of Burgundy that they would not for any earthly good once hinder or pull
back one jot of such articles as the same duke should seek to prefer. And
therefore—what needeth many words?—a☛ truce tripartite313 was accorded between the two kings and the duke, and their
countries, and order taken that the King of England should send in the company
of the Duke of Burgundy his ambassadors unto Troyes in Champagne, sufficiently
authorized to treat314 and conclude of so
great matter. The King of England, being in good hope that all his affairs
should take good success as he could wish or desire, sent☛ to the Duke of
Burgundy his uncle the Duke of Exeter, the Earl of Salisbury, the Bishop of
Ely, the Lord Fanhope, the Lord Fitzhugh, Sir John Robsert, and Sir Philip
Hall, with divers doctors,315
to the number of five hundred horse, which in the company of the Duke of
Burgundy came to the city of Troyes the eleventh of March.316 The king, the queen, and the Lady Catherine them received, and
heartily welcomed, showing great signs and tokens☛ of love and amity.317
After a few days they fell to council, in which at length it was concluded that
King Henry of England should come to Troyes and marry the lady Catherine, and
the king her father after his death should make him heir of his realm, crown
and dignity. It was also agreed that King Henry, during his father-in-law’s
life, should in his stead have the whole government of the realm of France as
regent thereof, with many other covenants and articles, as after shall appear.318 To the performance whereof it was
accorded that all the nobles and estates of the realm of France, as well
spiritual319 as temporal,320 and also the cities and commonalties,
citizens and burgesses321 of
towns that were obeisant322 at that time to
the French king, should take a corporal oath.323 These articles were not at the
first in all points brought to a perfect conclusion, but after the effect and
meaning of them was agreed upon by the commissioners, the Englishmen departed
towards the king their master, and left Sir John Robsert behind to give his
attendance on the lady Catherine.
Para80King Henry being informed by them of that which they had done, was
well content with the agreement and with all diligence prepared to go unto
Troyes […]
Para81The Duke of Burgundy, accompanied with many noblemen, received him two
leagues without324 the town and conveyed him
to his lodging. All his army was lodged in small villages thereabout. And after
that he had reposed himself a little, he went to visit☛ the French king, the
queen, and the Lady Catherine, whom he found in Saint Peter’s church, where was
a very joyous meeting betwixt them325 (and this was on the
twentieth day of May) and there the King of England☛ and the Lady Catherine were
affianced.326 After this, the two
kings and their council assembled together divers days, wherein the first
concluded agreement was in divers points altered and brought to a certainty
according to the effect above mentioned. When this great matter was finished,
the kings sware327 for their parts to observe
all the covenants of this league and agreement. Likewise the Duke of Burgundy
and a great number of other princes and nobles which were present received an
oath328 […]
Para82The like oath a great number of the princes and nobles both spiritual
and temporal which were present received at the same time. This done, the
morrow after Trinity Sunday, being the third of June, the marriage was
solemnized and fully consummate betwixt the King of England and the said Lady
Catherine. Herewith was the King of England named and proclaimed heir and
regent of France. And as the French king sent the copy of this treaty to every
town in France, so the King of England sent the same in English unto every city
and market town within his realm to be proclaimed and published […]
Holinshed’s Summary of Henry V’s Life and Character (583–584)
Para83This Henry was a king of life without spot☛;
a prince whom all men loved and of none disdained; a captain against whom
fortune never frowned nor mischance once spurned, whose people him—so severe a
justice329—both loved
and obeyed, and so humane withal that he left no offence unpunished, nor
friendship unrewarded; a terror to rebels and suppressor of sedition; his
virtues notable, his qualities most praiseworthy.
Para84In strength and nimbleness of body from his youth few to him
comparable, for in wrestling, leaping, and running, no man well able to
compare. In casting of great iron bars and heavy stones he excelled commonly
all men, never shrinking at cold nor slothful for heat; and when he most
laboured, his head commonly uncovered; no more weary of harness330 than331 a light cloak, very valiantly abiding at needs332 both hunger and thirst; so manful of
mind as never seen to quinch333 at a wound or
to smart at the pain; not to turn his nose from evil savour nor close his eyes
from smoke or dust. No man more moderate in eating and drinking, with diet not
delicate,334 but rather more meet for
men of war than for princes of tender stomachs. Every honest person was
permitted to come to him, sitting at meal, where either secretly or openly to
declare his mind. High and weighty causes335 as well between men of war and other he would gladly
hear, and either determined336 them himself
or else for end337 committed them to
others. He slept very little, but that very soundly,338 insomuch that when his soldiers sung at nights or minstrels
played, he then slept fastest; of courage invincible, of purpose unmutable339; so wise-hardy always as fear was
banished from him; at every alarum340
he first in armour and foremost in ordering.341 In time of war such was his providence,342 bounty,343 and
hap,344 as he had true intelligence
not only what his enemies did, but what they said and intended; of his devices
and purposes, few, before the thing was at the point to be done, should be made
privy.345
Para85He had such knowledge in ordering and guiding an army, with such a
gift to encourage his people, that the Frenchmen had constant opinion he could
never be vanquished in battle. Such wit, such prudence, and such policy withal,
that he never enterprised anything before he had fully debated and forecast all
the main chances that might happen, which done, with all diligence and courage
he set his purpose forward. What policy he had in finding present remedies for
sudden mischiefs, and what engines346 in
saving himself and his people in sharp distresses, were it not that by his acts
they did plainly appear, hard were it by words to make them credible.
Wantonness of life and thirst in avarice347 had he quite quenched in him—virtues indeed in such an
estate of sovereignty, youth, and power as very rare, so right commendable in
the highest degree. So staid348 of mind
and countenance beside that never jolly or triumphant for victory nor sad or
damped349 for loss or misfortune.
For bountifulness and liberality,350 no
man more free, gentle, and frank in bestowing rewards to all persons according
to their deserts, for his saying was, that he never desired money to keep, but
to give and spend.351
Para86Although that story properly serves not for theme of praise or
dispraise, yet what in brevity may well be remembered, in truth would not be
forgotten by sloth,352 were
it but only to remain as a spectacle for magnanimity to have always in eye, and
for encouragement to nobles in honourable enterprises. Known be it therefore, of
person and form was this prince rightly representing353 his heroical affects354: of stature and proportion tall and manly, rather lean
than gross355; somewhat long-necked and
black-haired, of countenance amiable; eloquent and grave was his speech, and of
great grace and power to persuade.356 For conclusion, a majesty
was he that both lived and died a pattern in princehood, a lodestar357 in honour, and mirror of magnificence:358 the more highly exalted in
his life, the more deeply lamented at his death, and famous to the world
alway […]
Notes
1.Many.↑
2.The fifth Sunday in Lent.↑
3.Violently intemperate.↑
4.Rugged.↑
7.Deservedly.↑
8.Laypeople.↑
9.23 April in
that year.↑
10.The first Sunday
after Pentecost, falling in 1413 on 18 June.↑
11.Funeral rites.↑
14.Bore.↑
15.Shakespeare’s original name for Falstaff.↑
16.i.e., King Henry.↑
17.Interrogated.↑
18.Epiphany, 6 January 1414.↑
19.Rumour.↑
20.Intended.↑
21.Nevertheless.↑
22.Because of
this uprising.↑
23.Dragged behind a horse to the
gallows.↑
24.Since.↑
25.i.e., Protestant martyrs.↑
26.Tennis balls.↑
27.Suitable.↑
30.Held.↑
31.1410.↑
32.Monasteries and
convents.↑
34.Try.↑
36.Belonging, due.↑
37.Speak vehemently.↑
38.Falsely devised, imagined.↑
39.Interpreters.↑
41.Charlemagne.
(ca. 747–814), king of the Franks and first Holy Roman Emperor.↑
42.Shakespeare
retains Holinshed’s faulty arithmetic.↑
46.Nothing; wicked.↑
47.An error for Charles
the Bald (812–877).↑
49.Isabelle of Hainaut
(1170–1190), a female descendant of Charlemagne.↑
53.Clergy.↑
54.Assembly of the clergy.↑
56.Borderlands.↑
58.Achieve, bring about.↑
59.Financial
support.↑
61.Cavalry.↑
62.Bearing,
appearance.↑
63.Broke.↑
64.Vigorously.↑
65.Withheld.↑
66.Discussed the matter.↑
67.Delirium.↑
68.Provision.↑
69.Appointed.↑
71.Feudal domains.↑
72.Previously.↑
73.Way.↑
75.Swore to.↑
76.Position as archbishop.↑
77.Spoke.↑
78.Military strength.↑
79.Bishop’s hat, a symbol of ecclesiastical power as a
crown is of secular.↑
81.What they had achieved.↑
82.Like a king.↑
83.For that
purpose.↑
84.The title, not the
name, of Henry V’s royal herald, from the animal on some of his personal
heraldic badges.↑
85.A
junior heraldic officer.↑
86.Since.↑
87.In the absence of.↑
88.Adjuring by the innermost part.↑
90.Southampton.↑
91.Was allowed.↑
95.Loyalty.↑
97.Truly.↑
98.Destruction.↑
99.Envelop,
involve.↑
100.Defile.↑
104.Allow.↑
105.i.e., the dynastic conflict that culminates in the Wars of
the Roses.↑
107.Feared.↑
108.Eve.↑
109.14 August
1415.↑
112.Temporary fortifications of earth or wood.↑
113.Wooden siege tower on wheels.↑
114.Other lords.↑
115.Provisions.↑
116.Aid.↑
118.Stratagem.↑
119.Tunnels filled with
explosives.↑
120.Siege machinery.↑
122.Tunnelling beneath Gloucester’s mines.↑
123.Thwarted.↑
125.Gunpowder.↑
126.Planted with explosives.↑
127.17 September.↑
128.Negotiate.↑
129.Informed.↑
130.29
September.↑
131.Situation.↑
133.22 September.↑
134.In a similar way.↑
135.Knows.↑
136.Left to their own
devices.↑
137.Free
of charge.↑
139.A character in 1
Henry VI, Shakespeare stopped including Fastolf in his history
plays, perhaps to avoid confusion with Falstaff, whose name may be adapted
from Fastolf’s↑
140.Dysentery.↑
141.An English territory on the
mainland.↑
142.Should by.↑
144.Diminished, reduced.↑
145.Fortifications.↑
146.Encumbrance.↑
147.Interior.↑
148.Immediately.↑
149.Fords.↑
150.Guarded.↑
151.Grain.↑
152.Hindered, prevented.↑
153.Thereabout.↑
154.Conduct, bearing; luggage, equipment.↑
155.Daring to attack.↑
156.Hindrance.↑
158.Unless.↑
159.Soldiers armed with bills, or poleaxes.↑
161.Almost entirely.↑
162.Surprise attacks.↑
163.Box containing the consecrated host.↑
167.Men of high
rank.↑
170.Foolish.↑
173.Capable of
fighting.↑
174.Fearing that.↑
175.Men.↑
176.Completely overthrew.↑
177.Captured.↑
179.Foremost
division of the army.↑
180.At that
news.↑
181.Army.↑
184.Well-travelled.↑
190.Taking the Eucharist.↑
191.Confession.↑
194.Divisions, armies↑
195.Boys attending on knights.↑
197.Holinshed omits the constable’s speech,
but see the excerpted selection from Hall’s chronicle. See A4 Sc2 Sp11.↑
198.Well suited to.↑
199.Assemble his army.↑
200.Secretly.↑
201.Signal.↑
203.Main body of the army.↑
204.Rear division of the army.↑
205.Army.↑
206.Ensure.↑
207.The French.↑
208.Common
soldiers.↑
209.Trousers.↑
210.Jackets.↑
211.Armoured.↑
212.The situation.↑
213.Outside.↑
214.Small metal balls with four spikes arranged so that one spike always points
upward.↑
215.Heavy tined frames dragged
over battlefields to make grooves in which horses might stumble.↑
216.Devices.↑
217.Luggage.↑
219.Behave like
men.↑
223.Mildness, mercy.↑
224.Succeed.↑
226.Sins’↑
227.Putting our trust in.↑
228.Perhaps.↑
229.i.e., the opinion that the English should
advance.↑
230.Delayed.↑
233.Suspecting,
knowing.↑
235.Negotiate.↑
237.Flags, heraldic banners.↑
239.Apart.↑
240.Equipment.↑
241.Advanced a
bit.↑
242.Signal baton.↑
243.Before.↑
244.Burdened.↑
245.Into random clumps.↑
246.War hammers.↑
247.Poleaxes.↑
248.Their battle beaten.↑
249.Nevertheless.↑
250.Servants.↑
251.Hand-to-hand.↑
252.For a while.↑
254.Personal
bodyguard.↑
255.Henry’s↑
256.Immediately.↑
257.Circle around.↑
258.Thrown into confusion.↑
261.Huts, pavillions.↑
263.Baseness.↑
264.Serving
footmen.↑
265.Fearing that.↑
267.Captors.↑
268.Allowed.↑
270.Grievous.↑
271.Pierced.↑
272.Considering.↑
273.Arranged.↑
275.Trumpet signalling retreat.↑
276.Fortunate.↑
277.Priests.↑
280.Antiphonal
hymns.↑
281.Glory.↑
287.Heralds.↑
291.Coats of arms.↑
295.Stood over.↑
296.Members of
the city government.↑
297.Brightly dyed red cloth.↑
298.Mulberry-colored
(reddish-purple) cloth.↑
299.Elegantly.↑
300.Cloaks.↑
301.Vessel for burning
incense.↑
303.Dents.↑
305.1416↑
306.First cousin.↑
307.Henry.↑
308.Again.↑
310.Concerned.↑
311.Continually.↑
312.Council, government.↑
313.Between three
parties.↑
314.Negotiate.↑
315.Learned men, lawyers.↑
317.Friendship.↑
319.Clergymen.↑
320.Laymen.↑
321.Freemen of boroughs.↑
322.Subject.↑
323.An oath
ratified by touching a sacred object.↑
324.Outside.↑
327.Swore.↑
329.Judge, supporter of right.↑
330.Full armour.↑
331.Than
of.↑
332.When necessary.↑
333.Flinch.↑
334.Fastidious.↑
335.Grievances.↑
336.Adjudged.↑
337.To be concluded.↑
339.Unchangeable.↑
340.Call to arms.↑
341.Making
ready.↑
342.Foresight.↑
343.Prowess.↑
344.Good fortune.↑
345.Allowed to know.↑
346.Strategies.↑
347.Greed,
covetousness.↑
348.Dignified.↑
349.Made sorrowful.↑
350.Generosity.↑
352.Lazy readers or hearers.↑
353.Reflecting.↑
354.Disposition.↑
355.Fat.↑
357.Guiding star.↑
359.In Greek
myth, the fate responsible for cutting the thread of life.↑
360.Devouring.↑
Marginal notes
1.Marginal note: Anno reg. 1↑
4.Marginal note: A notable example of a worthy prince.↑
5.Marginal note: A
parliament.↑
6.Marginal note: Thom. Walsin.
The funerals of King Henry the Fourth kept at Canterbury.↑
7.Marginal note: S.
George’s day made a double feast.↑
8.Marginal note: Abr. Pl. out Polychron.↑
9.Marginal note: Sir John Oldcastle escaped out of the
Tower.↑
10.Marginal note: Titus Livius
1414.↑
11.Marginal note: Hall.↑
12.Marginal note: A commotion raised by Sir Roger Acton and
Others.↑
13.Marginal note: Titus Livius.↑
14.Marginal note: The rebels surprised.↑
15.Marginal note: Thom. Walsin.↑
16.Marginal note: By this
excessive number it may appear that Walsingham reporteth the matter according
to the common fame, and not as one that searcheth out an exquisite
truth.↑
17.Marginal note: William Murley↑
18.Marginal note: Sir Roger
Acton and his complices condemned of treason and heresy.↑
19.Marginal note: Exon.↑
20.Marginal note: A scornful embassage.↑
21.Marginal note: Anno
Reg. 2. 1414↑
22.Marginal note: A bill exhibited to the
parliament against the clergy.↑
23.Marginal note: The Archbishop of Canterbury’s oration in the
parliament house.↑
24.Marginal note: The Salic Law.↑
25.Marginal note: Mesina↑
26.Marginal note: The Earl of Westmorland persuadeth the king to
the conquest of Scotland.↑
27.Marginal note: The Duke of Exeter his wise and
pithy answer to the Earl of Westmorland’s saying.↑
28.Marginal note: A true
saying.↑
29.Marginal note: A proud presumptuous
priest.↑
30.Marginal note: The wise
answer of the King to the bishop.↑
31.Marginal note: The queen mother governor of the
realm.↑
32.Marginal note: The Earl of
Cambridge and other lords apprehended for treason.↑
33.Marginal note: Thom. Wals.↑
34.Marginal note: King Henry’s words to the traitors.↑
35.Marginal note: The Earl of Cambridge and the other
traitors executed.↑
36.Marginal note: Titus
Livius.↑
37.Marginal note: The king saileth over into France with his host.↑
38.Marginal note: Titus Livius. A charitable
proclamation.↑
39.Marginal note: Princely and
wisely↑
40.Marginal note: Harding.↑
41.Marginal note: The king besieged Harfleur.↑
42.Marginal note: Titus
Livius.↑
43.Marginal note: Harding.↑
44.Marginal note: Thom. Walsi.↑
45.Marginal note: The
seventeenth of September they within Harfleur pray parley.↑
46.Marginal note: A five days’
respite.↑
47.Marginal note: Harfleur yielded and
sacked.↑
49.Marginal note: Great death in the host by the flux.↑
50.Marginal note: Corn and victuals destroyed where the
Englishmen should pass.↑
51.Marginal note: Blanche
Tâche.↑
52.Marginal note: King Henry passeth the river of Somme with
his host.↑
53.Marginal note: The king’s army but of
15,000.↑
54.Marginal note: The English army sore afflicted.↑
55.Marginal note: Justice in war.↑
56.Marginal note: Note the force of
justice.↑
57.Marginal note: Hall.↑
58.Marginal note: The
French king consulteth how to deal with the Englishmen.↑
59.Marginal note: Dauphin King of
Sicily.↑
60.Marginal note: The French king sendeth defiance to King Henry.↑
61.Marginal note: King
Henry’s answer to the defiance.↑
62.Marginal note: King Henry rideth forth to take
view of the French army.↑
63.Marginal note: The number of the French men three score thousand.
Enguerant.↑
64.Marginal note: The battle
of Agincourt, the 25 of October 1415.↑
65.Marginal note: The
French esteemed six to one English.↑
66.Marginal note: The order of the English army and
archers.↑
67.Marginal note: The vanguard all of archers.↑
68.Marginal note: Archers the greatest force of the
English army.↑
69.Marginal note: Abr. Fl. Out of Fabian pag. 392 and Polychron.↑
70.Marginal note: A
politic invention.↑
71.Marginal note: Hall.↑
72.Marginal note: King Henry’s oration to his
men.↑
73.Marginal note: A wish.↑
74.Marginal note: A noble courage of a valiant prince.↑
75.Marginal note: Hall.↑
76.Marginal note: The English gave the onset.↑
77.Marginal note: The two armies
join battle.↑
78.Marginal note: The
vanguard of the French discomforted↑
79.Marginal note: The
French rearward discomfited.↑
80.Marginal note: The
king’s camp robbed.↑
81.Marginal note: All the prisoners slain.↑
82.Marginal note: A right wise and valiant
challenge of the king.↑
83.Marginal note: Thanks given to God for the victory.↑
84.Marginal note: A worthy example of a godly
prince.↑
85.Marginal note: Titus
Livius↑
86.Marginal note: The battle of
Agincourt.↑
87.Marginal note: Noble men
prisoners.↑
88.Marginal note: The number slain on the
French part. Englishmen slain.↑
89.Marginal note: Englishmen slain.↑
90.Marginal note: Rich. Grafton.↑
91.Marginal note: Titus
Livius.↑
92.Marginal note: Titus Livius.↑
93.Marginal note: The great modesty of the
king.↑
94.Marginal note: Anno Reg. 4. The
Emperor Sigismund cometh to England.↑
95.Marginal note: the emperor an earnest mediator for
peace.↑
96.Marginal note: Titus Livius.↑
97.Marginal note: King Henry condescendeth to a treaty of peace.↑
98.Marginal note: A truce
tripartite.↑
99.Marginal note: Ambassadors from King Henry to the French king.↑
100.Marginal note: The
articles of the peace concluded between King Henry and the French
king.↑
101.Marginal note: King Henry cometh to Troyes to the French king.↑
102.Marginal note: King
Henry affieth the French king’s daughter.↑
103.Marginal note: The
commendation of King Henry the Fifth as is expressed by Mast. Hall.↑
104.Marginal note: W.P.↑
Prosopography
Challen Wright
Chris Horne
Donald Bailey
Eric Rasmussen
Eric Rasmussen is Regents Teaching Professor and Foundation Professor of English at
the University of Nevada. He is co-editor with Sir Jonathan Bate of the RSC William Shakespeare Complete Works and general editor, with Paul Werstine, of the New Variorum Shakespeare. He has received the Falstaff Award from PlayShakespeare.com for Best Shakespearean Book of the Year in 2007, 2012, and 2013.
James D. Mardock
James Mardock is Associate Professor of English at the University of Nevada, Associate
General Editor for the Internet Shakespeare Editions, and a dramaturge for the Lake
Tahoe Shakespeare Festival and Reno Little Theater. In addition to editing quarto
and folio Henry V for the ISE, he has published essays on Shakespeare, Ben Jonson, and other Renaissance
literature in The Seventeenth Century, Ben Jonson Journal, Borrowers and Lenders, and contributed to the collections Representing the Plague in Early Modern England (Routledge 2010) and Shakespeare Beyond Doubt (Cambridge 2013). His book Our Scene is London (Routledge 2008) examines Jonsonʼs representation of urban space as an element in
his strategy of self-definition. With Kathryn McPherson, he edited Stages of Engagement (Duquesne 2013), a collection of essays on drama in post-Reformation England, and
he is currently at work on a monograph on Calvinism and metatheatrical awareness in
early modern English drama.
Janelle Jenstad
Janelle Jenstad is a Professor of English at the University of Victoria, Director
of The Map of Early Modern London, and Director of Linked Early Modern Drama Online. With Jennifer Roberts-Smith and Mark Kaethler, she co-edited Shakespeare’s Language in Digital Media: Old Words, New Tools (Routledge). She has edited John Stow’s A Survey of London (1598 text) for MoEML and is currently editing The Merchant of Venice (with Stephen Wittek) and Heywood’s 2 If You Know Not Me You Know Nobody for DRE. Her articles have appeared in Digital Humanities Quarterly, Elizabethan Theatre, Early Modern Literary Studies, Shakespeare Bulletin, Renaissance and Reformation, and The Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies. She contributed chapters to Approaches to Teaching Othello (MLA); Teaching Early Modern Literature from the Archives (MLA); Institutional Culture in Early Modern England (Brill); Shakespeare, Language, and the Stage (Arden); Performing Maternity in Early Modern England (Ashgate); New Directions in the Geohumanities (Routledge); Early Modern Studies and the Digital Turn (Iter); Placing Names: Enriching and Integrating Gazetteers (Indiana); Making Things and Drawing Boundaries (Minnesota); Rethinking Shakespeare Source Study: Audiences, Authors, and Digital Technologies (Routledge); and Civic Performance: Pageantry and Entertainments in Early Modern London (Routledge). For more details, see janellejenstad.com.
Jodi Litvin
Joey Takeda
Joey Takeda is LEMDO’s Consulting Programmer and Designer, a role he assumed in 2020
after three years as the Lead Developer on LEMDO.
Martin Holmes
Martin Holmes has worked as a developer in the UVicʼs Humanities Computing and Media
Centre for over two decades, and has been involved with dozens of Digital Humanities
projects. He has served on the TEI Technical Council and as Managing Editor of the
Journal of the TEI. He took over from Joey Takeda as lead developer on LEMDO in 2020.
He is a collaborator on the SSHRC Partnership Grant led by Janelle Jenstad.
Michael Best
Michael Best is Professor Emeritus at the University of Victoria, BC. He is the Founding
Editor of the Internet Shakespeare Editions, of which he was the Coordinating Editor
until 2017. In print, he has published editions of works of Elizabethan magic and
huswifery, a collection of letters from the Australian goldfields, and Shakespeare on the Art of Love (2008). He contributed regular columns for the Shakespeare Newsletter on
Electronic Shakespeares,and has written many articles and chapters for both print and online books and journals, principally on questions raised by the new medium in the editing and publication of texts. He has delivered papers and plenary lectures on electronic media and the Internet Shakespeare Editions at conferences in Canada, the USA, the UK, Spain, Australia, and Japan.
Navarra Houldin
Project manager 2022–present. Textual remediator 2021–present. Navarra Houldin (they/them)
completed their BA in History and Spanish at the University of Victoria in 2022. During
their degree, they worked as a teaching assistant with the University of Victoriaʼs
Department of Hispanic and Italian Studies. Their primary research was on gender and
sexuality in early modern Europe and Latin America.
Nicole Vatcher
Technical Documentation Writer, 2020–2022. Nicole Vatcher completed her BA (Hons.)
in English at the University of Victoria in 2021. Her primary research focus was womenʼs
writing in the modernist period.
Tracey El Hajj
Junior Programmer 2019–2020. Research Associate 2020–2021. Tracey received her PhD
from the Department of English at the University of Victoria in the field of Science
and Technology Studies. Her research focuses on the algorhythmics of networked communications. She was a 2019–2020 President’s Fellow in Research-Enriched
Teaching at UVic, where she taught an advanced course on
Artificial Intelligence and Everyday Life.Tracey was also a member of the Map of Early Modern London team, between 2018 and 2021. Between 2020 and 2021, she was a fellow in residence at the Praxis Studio for Comparative Media Studies, where she investigated the relationships between artificial intelligence, creativity, health, and justice. As of July 2021, Tracey has moved into the alt-ac world for a term position, while also teaching in the English Department at the University of Victoria.
William Shakespeare
Bibliography
Holinshed, Raphael. Chronicles of England, Scotlande, and
Irelande. Vol. 3.
London, 1587. STC
13569. ESTC S122178.
Patterson, Annabel M.
Reading Holinshed’s Chronicles. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994.
Shakespeare, William. Mr William Shakespeares comedies, histories & tragedies: Published according to the
true originall copies. London: William Jaggard, 1623. STC 22273. ESTC S111228. DEEP 5081.
Orgography
Internet Shakespeare Editions (ISE1)
The Internet Shakespeare Editions (ISE) was a major digital humanities project created
by Emeritus Professor Michael Best at the University of Victoria. The ISE server was retired in 2018 but a final staticized HTML version of the Internet Shakespeare Editions project is still hosted at UVic.
LEMDO Team (LEMD1)
The LEMDO Team is based at the University of Victoria and normally comprises the project
director, the lead developer, project manager, junior developers(s), remediators,
encoders, and remediating editors.
University of Victoria (UVIC1)
https://www.uvic.ca/Metadata
| Authority title | Chronicles of England, Scotland, and Ireland |
| Type of text | Primary Source |
| Publisher | University of Victoria on the Linked Early Modern Drama Online Platform |
| Series | |
| Source |
This document was written by James D. Mardock and originally published digitally by
the Internet Shakespeare Editions and in print by Broadview Press. It has been converted
from IML (the SGML markup language of the Internet Shakespeare Editions platform)
into LEMDOʼs customization of TEI-XML and copyedited by Janelle Jenstad and the LEMDO
team for republication in the New Internet Shakespeare Editions anthology.
Born digital.
|
| Editorial declaration | |
| Edition | Released with LEMDO Editions for Peer Review 0.1.5 |
| Encoding description | Encoded in TEI P5 according to the LEMDO Customization and Encoding Guidelines. |
| Document status | draft, peer-reviewed |
| License/availability |
Intellectual copyright in this edition is held by the editor, James Mardock. The critical paratexts are licensed under a CC BY-NC_ND 4.0 license, which means that they are freely downloadable without permission under the following
conditions: (1) credit must be given to the editor, NISE, and LEMDO in any subsequent
use of the files and/or data; (2) the content cannot be adapted or repurposed (except
for quotations for the purposes of academic review and citation); and (3) commercial
uses are not permitted without the knowledge and consent of NISE, the editor, and
LEMDO. This license allows for pedagogical use of the critical paratexts in the classroom.
|